Ecuadorian Constitutional Reform: A Bend or a Break?

Stratfor, Feb 28, 2007
Summary
Ecuadorians are likely to approve an April 15 referendum to revise the constitution. President Rafael Correa aims to use the constitutional reform process to consolidate his power and kick the country's entrenched party elite out of Congress. With a weak judiciary and an unpopular legislature, Correa could become nearly as powerful in Ecuador as Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez has become in his country. However, opposition groups appear to be stronger in Ecuador than in Venezuela, so compromises are more likely. Correa's presidency -- which probably will last longer than most recent Ecuadorian presidencies -- is a boon to Chavez's regional ambitions, but Ecuador is peripheral to the region and the overall effects of its domestic politics will be limited.

Analysis
Ecuadorians will vote in a popular referendum April 15 on whether to create an assembly for constitutional reform. Since constitutional reform was one of President Rafael Correa's central campaign promises when he was elected in the November 2006 runoff, the referendum is likely to have enough public support to pass.

Ecuador seems to have caught the constitutional reform fever spreading in Latin American countries within Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez's sphere of influence. Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia are all taking steps to amend their constitutions, and Nicaragua might join in. In each country, the rationale for reform is that the current structure favors the elite and foreign business interests at the expense of the general population. Meanwhile, in the grip of populist socialist ideology and charismatic leadership, these countries are edging toward increasingly authoritarian regimes. Though Bolivia and Ecuador broadly support Chavez's regional ambitions, they are much less likely to succumb to a concentration of unchecked power.

Concerns that Correa wishes to expand executive power at the expense of the judiciary and legislature are not mere right-wing paranoia. The judicial and legislative branches in Ecuador have become so discredited that the idea of reform without their constraint is very popular. Judicial appointment processes have deviated from the law that authorizes them, and competing judges are issuing more frequent conflicting rulings. Furthermore, according to a Feb. 15 Cedatos/Gallup poll, Correa's approval rating is just above 70 percent, while Congress, opposition groups' main vehicle for action, is polling at 8 percent. Though Ecuador most likely will bend toward Bolivarianism under Correa's leadership, it is possible that the president will override Congress and undertake a more dramatic break with Ecuador's current governmental structure and political elite.

Correa wanted Ecuador's referendum to take place sooner -- March 18 -- and for the resultant constitutional assembly to have unlimited powers, including the power to dismiss current members of Congress. Unsurprisingly, Congress denied the assembly such powers in the same vote that set the referendum for April 15. The 100-member body voted 57-1 (most of the opposition walked out of the vote in protest of the constitutionality of the proposed assembly), indicating that though almost 60 percent of Congress supports Correa, even that portion does not fully support him. Signaling that he does not intend to be deterred by a deliberative body that requires compromise, Correa threatened Feb. 17 to resign if his agenda does not receive support from at least 70 percent of the constitutional assembly. This is likely a bluff, however, and Congress apparently aims to drive a hard bargain. On Feb. 26, a coalition of congressmen from the National Action Institutional Renewal Party, Patriotic Society Party (PSP), Social Christian Party and Christian Democratic Union announced its intent to further restrict the powers of a constituent assembly. Though confirming a new attorney general, these legislators made statements to the effect that any decisions related to altering Ecuador's companies law, judicial appointments or the formation of assemblies must be brought before the legislature for debate and a vote.

Correa has not announced many details regarding the modifications he proposes, but he has an easy case to make for reforming some aspects of the constitution. Ecuador is hardly a model of effective checks and balances; the most obvious structural problem is that the Supreme Court's members are elected by the Supreme Court itself (though this did not prevent Congress from appointing an entirely new court in 2004). Also, presidents cannot serve two consecutive terms (although this has hardly been an issue lately, considering Ecuador has had eight presidents since 2006). Ecuador also has a unicameral legislature; though this is not necessarily bad in and of itself, it can exacerbate abuses of power and is an easier scapegoat for executive complaints than a bicameral legislature.

If Correa's objective were only to improve the structure of the government, it might be welcome. But his rhetoric suggests that his fundamental objective is to remove a semi-entrenched political class (the "Party-ocracy," as he calls it) from power, inevitably expanding his own power in the process. This players-based approach is an alarming motivation for legal reform, and even more so for constitutional reform.

As long as Congress is not disbanded and the press is not curtailed, Ecuador is not on the brink of becoming another Venezuela. For example, Venezuela's legislature voted Jan. 31 to give Chavez total special powers; in contrast, Ecuador's legislature denied granting similar powers to a constitutional assembly -- and that was the part of the legislature that supports Correa's general direction. Furthermore, in March 2005 Venezuela reformed its criminal code to increase penalties for "insulting" public authorities and institutions; Ecuador has not yet attempted any such infringement upon freedom of the press, and there are no indications that such moves are on the horizon.

Correa needs to navigate between a system badly in need of reform, a public primed for change, deeply concerned business interests and the temptation to push the limits of power consolidation. Indigenous groups such as Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador, as well as former President Lucio Gutierrez, leader of the PSP, support constitutional reform. PSP is not monolithically behind Correa, however, and many of its members have voiced concerns that Chavez might rule Ecuador through Correa as a proxy.

This is similar to accusations leveled against Bolivian President Evo Morales. Correa and Morales both have good reason to distance themselves from perceptions of being Venezuelan puppets; but such perceptions do not play well domestically, and burning bridges with leaders other than Chavez could prove dangerous if Chavez cannot be Morales and Correa's eternal patron. And with oil prices falling and Venezuela's hostility to foreign investors impeding expanded oil production, Venezuela increasingly will have to use its cash to solve problems at home rather than renting friends abroad.

Constitutional reform is a dangerous moment for Ecuadorian politics. However, the country's still-vigorous opposition and free press, plus the fact that Correa does not seem to have the same appetite for alienating the United States as Chavez, will make it difficult for power in Ecuador to fall into one man's hands. If Correa chooses to play hardball, however, the deck is stacked in his favor; the judiciary is weak, Congress is unpopular and public sentiment is behind him.

Whatever the outcome of the constitutional reforms, it appears that, geopolitically, Chavez has secured an ally -- and U.S. ally Colombia is flanked on both sides by a reinvigorated Bolivarian revolution. This could particularly concern Colombia since border tensions with Ecuador have escalated over the past few months -- including Ecuador's decision to open a new port authority on the border, and Ecuadorian threats to have its air force escort Colombian crop-dusting planes to the ground if they get too close.

Correa will take steps from time to time to assert his independence from Chavez, but Chavez clearly inspires him, and the two leaders are unlikely to disagree on major regional policy initiatives. Nonetheless, Ecuador does not hold a geographically central position on the continent like Bolivia, nor is it an economic force to be reckoned with like Brazil. Ecuador's momentum will help keep Chavez's regional ambitions alive, but it will not be a major player in the region.

Aid for Colombians Fleeing Into Ecuador

UN Sends in Aid for Colombians Fleeing Violence Into Ecuador

Scoop, Feb 28 2007

The United Nations refugee agency is distributing emergency items and food rations to more than 300 people who fled into Ecuador from Colombia in the latest spasm of over four decades of conflict between Government forces, leftist guerrillas, rightist paramilitaries and criminal gangs that has driven 3 million Colombians from their homes.

“So far, we have registered 315 people, more than half of them children,” UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) spokesperson Jennifer Pagonis told a news briefing in Geneva today, noting that according to the new arrivals, many more could be on the way.

“Many in the group are still very visibly shocked and scared. They say they fled after an irregular armed group killed the local schoolteacher and threatened other people,” she said. “Local authorities on the Colombian side of the border report fighting in the area.”

The group, from the Colombian village of Tallambi, lived on the opposite bank of the river that forms the border, and a large number are Awa indigenous people. UNHCR deployed a team of humanitarian workers to the Ecuadorian village of Chical on Sunday to distribute aid in coordination with partner organizations.

The newcomers have been staying with local families but the housing capacity of the small community is fast reaching its limit. UNHCR and the local authorities are getting a shelter ready in case more people cross over in the coming days. The Awa live in their own territory spanning the border and have suffered greatly from increased violence in the southern Colombian region of Nariño in recent years.

In general, ethnic minorities in Colombia have been disproportionately affected by the conflict and UNHCR has warned that some indigenous communities risk disappearing altogether once the cultural ties linking them to their home areas are broken.

Last month, a group of some 40 Afro-Colombians arrived in northern Ecuador, also from Nariño. They have asked to remain in Ecuador as they feel it is unsafe to return. UNHCR is coordinating efforts with the national refugee office for a speedy answer to their asylum request.

Overall some 250,000 Colombians are in Ecuador after fleeing the conflict in Colombia, which with some 3 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) contains the largest population of concern to UNHCR in any country in the world as the fighting has hit most regions of the Andean country. There are also an estimated 200,000 Colombians in need of protection in Venezuela.

Ecuador Stands Up to the US

By ROGER BURBACH.

From Counterpunch, February 19, 2007

Quito, Ecuador.

The leftist government of Rafael Correa has moved assertively in its relations with the United States during its first month in office. The Minister of Foreign Relations, Maria Fernanda Espinosa, in a meeting with the Foreign Press Association in Quito declared that Ecuador intends to close the US military base located at Manta. "Ecuador is a sovereign nation, we do not need any foreign troops in our country," she said. The treaty for the base expires in 2009 and will not be renewed.

The largest US base on South America's Pacific coast, it was ostensibly set up to help monitor narco-trafficking over the ocean and in the nearby Amazon basin. But it has become a major operations center for US intelligence gathering and for coordinating counterinsurgency efforts against the leftist guerrillas in neighboring Colombia. The base's air runway, built at a cost of eighty million dollars, is capable of accommodating the largest and most sophisticated US spy and intelligence gathering air craft. Manta is also used as a port for US naval operations in the Pacific. Upwards of 475 US military personal are continually rotated between Manta and the US Southern Command headquarters in Florida.

Popular sentiment in Ecuador overwhelmingly supports the closure of the US base at Manta. Since its establishment in 1999 the civil war in Colombia has spread to Ecuador, bringing refugees, violence and social conflict, particularly in the Amazon region. Aerial spraying of herbicides by planes originating in Colombia eradicates food crops and has deleterious health effects on Ecuadorian children and adults. The Colombian and US governments claim that the defoliants are only sprayed on the Colombian side of the border and that there are no flights over Ecuador. But President Correa vehemently disagrees: "We will not permit the continual violation of Ecuadorian air space by planes, that are not even Colombian, but from the United States. They enter our country, and then fly back to Colombia." Correa has ordered the Ecuadorian air force "to intercept any planes that violate our air space."

The Correa government is preparing a case for the World Court at the Hague against the Colombian government for the conflict and damages in northern Ecuador. Foreign Minister Espinosa is emphatic in saying that this is a "violation of human rights. It is not only a question of the health effects, but also of the psychological traumas caused by the constant over flights and the terrorization of the local population, particularly among the children who hear planes flying overhead and are subjected to war-like conditions." Special teams comprised international health and human rights representatives are being formed to investigate the conditions on the border. "We want to replace the conflictive conditions with a Plan for Peace and Development in the region," says Espinosa.

Last week the Vice-President of Ecuador, Lenin Moreno, in a trip to Caracas, Venezuela, stated that the Colombian government "should act more as a friendly neighbor and not respond only to the orders of the empire." Commenting on the upcoming trip in March of President Bush to Latin America that excludes Ecuador, Moreno added: "Every time Bush comes to visit our region we worry because we don't know what proposals he comes to impart and what sorts of statements he will make." His comments caused an uproar, and in an effort to calm the diplomatic waters, Espinosa said that Moreno's remarks were not officially sanctioned. "We want cordial, normal relations with the US embassy and government in order to resolve any issues between us," she said.

The Correa government is also moving adroitly to break with the neo-liberal trade and commercial policies that have been imposed on Ecuador by Washington and international lending agencies. In line with his campaign platform, Rafael Correa has made it clear that he will never sign the Free Trade Agreement with the United States that was being discussed with previous governments. At the same time, Ecuador is negotiating special bilateral trade and economic agreements with Presidents Hugo Chavez of Venezuela and Evo Morales in Bolivia. Venezuela has agreed to refine Ecuadorian oil and provide financial assistance for social programs in Ecuador, while the Bolivian government has concluded an agreement to import food commodities from small and medium producers in Ecuador.

For the moment Correa has not opted to join the People's Trade Treaty signed last year between Cuba, Bolivia, and Venezuela. But as Rene Baez, an economic analyst at the Catholic University of Ecuador says: "The treaty is really a series of special accords and financial agreements, and in that sense Ecuador is already an informal member of this alternative bloc."

The financial news that captured the headlines last week was the announcement of Economics Minister Ricardo Patino that Ecuador would make a scheduled debt payment of $135 million to foreign bond holders. Known for his long-held belief that paying off the foreign debt undercuts critical social spending programs and keeps Ecuador in a state of perpetual poverty, Patino's decision came just two days after he had announced that Ecuador would not make the $135 million payment.

Informed sources close to the government say that after high level discussions, Correa opted to pay the bond holders, preferring to concentrate on the upcoming negotiations with international creditors over a reduction in the schedule of debt payments and on the annulment of part of the debt that was the result of corrupt practices by prior Ecuadorian governments and foreign creditors. As Rene Baez says, "the Correa government decided to be selective in the battles it is taking on for the moment. A default now would have caused an international reaction and possibly provoked a domestic financial crisis, just as the government is trying to get its legs under it."

Roger Burbach is director of the Center for the Study of the Americas (CENSA) and a Visiting Scholar at the Institute of International Studies, University of California, Berkeley. He is co-author with Jim Tarbell of "Imperial Overstretch: George W. Bush and the Hubris of Empire," His latest book is: "The Pinochet Affair: State Terrorism and Global Justice."

Ecuador: dignity, sovereignty on the rise

W. T. Whitney Jr., Feb 15, 2007
People's Weekly World

Rafael Correa, upon his inauguration as Ecuador’s president on Jan. 15, immediately called for Congress to approve a referendum for a constitutional assembly which he sees as crucial for “a profound transformation” of the country. While campaigning, Correa promised a new constitution, demanded that U.S. troops leave the country and condemned Washington-backed “free trade” agreements.

Despite 80 percent popular support for the assembly, Ecuador’s Congress, controlled by right-wing parties, had rejected the proposed referendum as unconstitutional. Since Jan. 30, widespread demonstrations, led by indigenous groups, have kept the issue open.

Marchers descended upon Congress on Feb. 12, demanding immediate action on the referendum. Indigenous leader Humberto Cholango told the crowd, “We can’t keep on leaving things up to a discredited, neoliberal political sector,” referring to those who advocate NAFTA-like pacts, privatization and public austerity.

Correa promised, if need be, to bypass Congress and set up a special entity to authorize the referendum. The next day, however, Congress, in a compromise, approved the referendum.

The government has also had to deal with a border dispute with Colombia, a U.S. ally. On Dec. 11, Colombian airplanes, fumigating coca plants in Colombia, dispersed the herbicide Glyphosate over inhabited areas in Ecuador, repeating the incursion on Feb. 5. Colombia called off further spraying five days later, after Ecuador announced plans to go to the International Court at The Hague.

The Correa government has outlined a “foreign policy peace initiative” on border problems, especially the humanitarian crisis affecting 250,000 Colombians displaced by that nation’s civil war.

Correa became Ecuador’s eighth president in 10 years after a 57 percent runoff victory on Nov. 26. Speaking partly in the Quechua language, he joined thousands of indigenous people on Jan. 14 for a symbolic inaugural ceremony. “This nation is one of the five Latin American countries with the least investment per inhabitant,” he said, and he has prioritized education, health care and support for the most vulnerable as his goals. Women occupy seven of 17 cabinet posts in his government.

“The neoliberal night is reaching its end,” Correa declared. “A sovereign, dignified, just and socialist Latin America is beginning to rise.”

President Evo Morales of Bolivia, on hand for the ceremony with Venezuelan President Chavez, responded, “The struggle of the Cuban people and Fidel against imperialism was not in vain.” According to the Mexican daily La Jornada, Correa is “taking on responsibility for Indo-America socialism epitomized by José Carlos Mariátegui,” a Peruvian Communist leader of the 1920s.

Under Correa, Ecuador plans to cut its ties with the International Monetary Fund. On Feb. 2, officials announced a 10 percent reduction in foreign debt repayments, allowing for a 6 percent funding increase for social services. Ecuador owes $11 billion, approximately 25 percent of its GDP, to foreign lenders.

In response, Thomas Shannon, U.S. undersecretary of state, advised caution. President Correa, he suggested, should “not place Ecuador in conflict with institutions and countries it needs and that can provide the most help,” adding, “We have an idea of how to do it, based on our experience [which] we are inclined to share.”

According to Correa, Ecuador will re-evaluate foreign debt obligations. He has proposed “an international debt arbitration court” to determine “legitimate foreign debt” and use of the “Bank of the South,” proposed by Venezuela, as repository for monetary reserves.

Under agreements ratified Feb. 9, Venezuela will help modernize Ecuador’s refineries and hydroelectric facilities, process 100,000 barrels of Ecuador’s oil on a daily, no-cost basis, and allow Petroecuador to drill for oil in Venezuela.

A cloud of tragedy, however, pervades these new beginnings. Defense Minister Guadalupe Larriva died Jan. 24 when two helicopters collided during military exercises near the Manta U.S. Air Base installation. She, her 16-year-old daughter, and five officers were passengers. All died.

Larriva, head of Ecuador’s Socialist Party, had condemned Ecuador’s military ties with Colombia, projected military reforms, and confirmed U.S. troop departure from Manta in 2009 when bilateral agreements expire.

President Correa fired Army chief Pedro Machado because of the crash, which, according to an international team, was not caused by mechanical problems. Observers liken Larriva’s death to that of leftist President Jaime Roldos in 1981. His aircraft also crashed under mysterious circumstances.

Lorena Escudero replaced Larriva as defense minister, joining female counterparts serving in Argentina and Uruguay. At Larriva’s funeral, Rafael Correa bade farewell: “Guadalupe, you liked hearing this, from the song for Comandante Che Guevara: ‘Until victory, always.’”

atwhit @ megalink.net

Ecuador to intercept any flights over its territory: president

February 15, 2007

Ecuador will intercept any aircraft from Colombia or the United States that enter the country's air space, the country's President Rafael Correa told media on Wednesday.

"We will not permit, not even once, that Ecuador's airspace be besmirched by the aircraft overflights, be they Colombian or United States aircraft," Correa said in Nueva Loja, in Ecuador's Amazonian province, Sucumbios.

Correa added that Ecuador will not accept any more Colombian "aggression," referring to Colombia's refusal to stop spraying gliphosphate herbicide, used to destroy coca plants close to the Ecuador border.

Ecuador has demanded Colombia avoid spraying within a 10 km area on its side of the border, claiming that herbicide carried into Ecuador by the wind has damaged Ecuadorians' health, crops and livestock. Colombia insists that gliphosphate is harmless.

Correa reiterated Ecuador's threat to present a case to the International Courts of Justice in The Hague.

He said that his government would prepare a so-called Plan Ecuador, a peaceful plan in response to Plan Colombia, which fights guerrillas and drug traffickers with violence.

Source: Xinhua

Ecuador's 'citizens' revolution'

Duroyan Fertl,
Green Left Weekly, 8 February 2007

Since his January 15 inauguration, President Rafael Correa has set about implementing his plan for changing Ecuadorian society, centred on a “citizens’ revolution” to refound the country and begin the construction of a “socialism of the 21st century” by investing economic wealth in social spending on health, education, housing and the environment.

In an effort to curb pollution, on February 3 Correa declared that Ecuador would suspend the contracts of oil companies who needlessly damage the environment. The decision follows the recent announcement that the Ecuadorian government had made US$1 billion from the oilfields of Oxy Petroleum, whose concessions were revoked a year ago for breach of contract. Correa has announced his intention to renegotiate contracts with other oil companies to give the government a larger share of the profits, to use for social spending.

Already under investigation is Brazil’s Petrobras, which holds the right to explore Oil Block 31, located in one of the world’s most biologically diverse regions. Another target of the government’s ire is a mine planned by Ascendant Copper in Junin. Ascendant’s environmental impact statement was rejected in late 2006, and the company is also accused of using paramilitary groups to intimidate and assault local opponents of the mine.

On February 5, Ecuador announced that it will take Colombia to the International Court of Justice over the spraying of glyphosate near the border and over parts of Ecuador. In December last year, Ecuador temporarily withdrew its ambassador from Colombia over the issue. The spraying is part of the US-funded “war on drugs” and is designed to kill coca plants, the source of the raw material for cocaine. However, it also leads to massive environmental damage, birth defects and the poisoning of the watertable.

The government’s new budget, delivered on January 31, promised a $1 billion reduction in foreign debt payments and repeated the government’s intention to renegotiate much of the debt. The government also outlined a plan to reform the tax system, lowering the value-added tax from 12% to 10% while increasing company taxes. On February 1, Correa announced the doubling of social benefits to more than a million of the poorest and most vulnerable, including the sick and single mothers.

Correa has already suffered some setbacks, however. Banana-growers have protested his choice of agriculture minister, Carlos Vallejo — a former associate of Correa’s rival in last year’s presidential election, Alvaro Noboa. Noboa is Ecuador’s richest man and owns numerous banana plantations. He is accused of using child labour and violently breaking strikes. Another associate of Noboa’s, Francisco Cucalon, recently appointed attorney-general, resigned on January 31 amid protests by Correa and others that his appointment was unconstitutional.

Another setback for Correa was the death on January 24, after only nine days in office, of Guadalupe Larriva, Ecuador’s first ever female defence minister. Larriva died in a collision of two military helicopters near Manta air base. She was a former president of the Socialist Party of Ecuador and head of the teachers’ union, and had been planning to renovate the armed forces, including increasing wages for low-ranking soldiers.

An independent investigation initiated by the government found nothing suspicious about the death. Nevertheless, Correa has replaced the head of the army. He has appointed another woman, Lorena Escudero, as defence minister. Since coming to power, Correa has also replaced three police chiefs, the latest on January 27, as he attempts to reform an institution rife with corruption.

The most important part of Correa’s reform program, the convoking of an assembly to rewrite the constitution, similar to efforts in Venezuela and Bolivia, has set the scene for a major showdown with the political forces traditionally dominant in Ecuador. The Constituent Assembly, which is supported by upwards of 75% of Ecuadorians, has been hindered by the traditional parties that dominate the Congress and Supreme Electoral Court (TSE), which fear it will reduce their power.

The TSE deliberately dragged its heels on declaring the legality of a planned March 18 referendum on the Constituent Assembly, before handballing the decision to the Congress after hundreds of pro-assembly protesters broke into the courtroom on January 23. Congress, also hostile to Correa, has since been stalling on the bill, as the parties debate the exact powers that the assembly will have and attempt to water it down to ensure their continuing control.

On January 30, thousands of protesters stormed the Congress, demanding it pass the bill, chanting “Death to the rats!” and “Down with the Congress, yes to the assembly!” Authorities evacuated the building and dispersed protesters with tear-gas. Protesters were also incensed that members of Congress, regarded by most Ecuadorians as corrupt, had also just voted to increase their salaries.

On February 6, the Congress blocked a vote on the assembly. The Patriotic Society Party of former president Lucio Gutierrez, who was overthrown in a popular uprising in 2005, had previously promised to support the bill but refused to vote for it. The PSP is the second largest party in Congress with 24 out of 100 seats, giving it the balance of power. It is widely believed that the PSP’s support for the bill will be conditional on them gaining key positions in the assembly and in the government.

Correa, who described Gutierrez as a “viper”, has threatened that if the Congress continues to stall or doesn’t pass the bill, it will be bypassed. Vice-President Lenin Moreno has suggested that an “ad hoc” committee could be convoked to set the parameters for the Constituent Assembly. Correa has also threatened to call further mass demonstrations to force the Congress to pass the bill, saying “The fight here is between the Congress and 13 million Ecuadorians”.

The social movements are feeling similarly frustrated. Humberto Cholango, of the indigenous organisation ECUARUNARI, has threatened that an indigenous uprising could be organised to force the issue. Similar uprisings have led to the overthrow of three presidents in the last decade. ECUARUNARI, the main indigenous federation CONAIE and dozens of other social movements and organisations have united to form the National Front for the Plurinational Constituent Assembly. A massive march on Quito is planned for March 13 to demand the Congress obey the popular mandate.

Ecuador Plan vs. Colombia Plan

Quito, Feb 11 (Prensa Latina) President Rafael Correa´s government is due to boost a denominated "Ecuador Plan" to face negative effects of the Colombia Plan in the north border, official sources have confirmed.

This concerns a "foreign policy peace initiative" agaisnt damages caused by Colombian air fumigations with glyphosate in the country's neighboring zone, a government spokesman stated.

This program, analyzed at a cabinet's meeting held Friday in the eastern city of Tena, will also be used to solve problems caused by the displacement of citizens from the neighboring territory to this nation.

Government Minister Gustavo Larrea highlighted Ecuador Plan will be presented to the international community, with the aim of alleviating difficulties of the national bordering people, affected by the armed conflict in Colombia.

Larrea demanded the definitive end of those air sprayings in the bordering strip, which has generated tension in bilateral links, damage people's health and destroy legal crops.

According to United Nations, about 500,000 Colombian citizens live in this country, of them 250,000 abandoned their homes due to the internal war and other 11,000 are refugees.

Ecuador says to sue Colombia over drug fumigation

QUITO, Feb 6 (Reuters) - Ecuador said on Tuesday it planned to file a lawsuit in international court charging Colombia with violating an agreement over fumigation of illegal drug fields along their border.

Colombia's U.S.-backed anti-drug program has fueled tensions with Ecuador's new left-wing president, Rafael Correa, who says the herbicides pose a risk to people and farm crops on Ecuador's side of the porous border.

Correa, an ally of Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez and a critic of U.S. policies in the region, last month agreed with Colombia to monitor the spraying to make sure glyphosate herbicides did not cross over the frontier.

"We know that yesterday fumigation restarted. ... They did not inform us and that really complicates matters," Ecuador's Foreign Minister Maria Espinosa told a local television station.

Espinosa said Colombia's actions means Ecuador would push ahead with plans to sue Colombia in the International Court of Justice in The Hague, Netherlands, and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.

An official at the Colombian Embassy in Quito said he had no immediate comment.

Ecuador in December recalled its ambassador from Bogota after tensions escalated between the South American neighbors over the drug spraying. Bogota says the herbicides are safe.

Colombian President Alvaro Uribe, who has received millions of dollars in U.S. aid to fight the drug trade and left-wing rebels, says the aerial spraying is vital to its efforts.

"We have to destroy drugs in our territory, but we respect the territory of our neighbors," Uribe told reporters at the United Nations headquarters in New York where he met with new Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon earlier on Tuesday.

"As we have to spray in our territory, we understand that we cannot spray on the territory of our neighbors. Our only statement is we respect our neighbors," he said.

Colombia is the world's top cocaine producer, with an output of about 600 tonnes of the drug a year. Most of that is shipped to U.S. and European markets.

Uribe's government halted herbicide spraying in a 6-mile (10-km) swathe near the border a year ago after Ecuador and rights advocates complained about the impact on local residents and legal crops. (Additional reporting by Michelle Nichols at the United Nations)