The people of Ecuador are rising up to refound their country as a pluri-national homeland for all. This inspiring movement, with Ecuador's indigenous peoples at its heart, is part of the revolution spreading across the Americas, laying the groundwork for a new, fairer, world. Ecuador Rising aims to bring news and analysis of events unfolding in Ecuador to english speakers.

Monday, June 30, 2008

Ecuador assembly head: New constitution to be ratified in referendum

QUITO, June 29 (Xinhua) -- The "yes" camp will win in the referendum on the new constitution, said Fernando Cordero, new president of the Ecuadorian Constituent Assembly, Sunday.

Cordero told local TV channel Ecuavisa that the opponents are "scared" and began to dress in black.

He added the "yes" camp led the "no" side 43 percent to 23 percent according to a poll by the Santiago Perez poll company.

"Although the new constitution is not finished, and the electoral campaign is not started, the 'no' camp is going terribly bad," said Cordero.

Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa also said the "yes" camp will win in the referendum but denied he was involved in the campaign.

According to the president, the assembly should present the new constitution on July 26.

If approved in the referendum, the new constitution will allow President Rafael Correa to run for office again and boost state control over the national economy, particularly in the mining and oil industries.

Sunday, June 29, 2008

Ecuador-Colombia: No Clear Solution

Ecuador-Colombia: No Clear Solution

Quito, Jun 28 (Prensa Latina) The Carter Center mission admitted the lack of conditions leading to a rapprochement between Ecuador and Colombia for bilateral links, broken since March, to be resumed.

A Carter Center communique released in Quito reveals that "required conditions are nonexistent for local authorities to continue the efforts to resume diplomatic relations between both nations."

Led by former Ecuadorian Foreign Minister Francisco Carrion, the group met on Wednesday in Bogota with Colombian President Alvaro Uribe and also yesterday with Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa.

Despite its previously expressed optimism, the Carter Center admitted there is no consensus or similar views leading to an atmosphere of confidence to restart contacts.

However, it considered necessary to continue efforts in this regard and announced willingness to cooperate with the governments of Quito and Bogota whenever Uribe and Correa deem convenient.

Following a request from former US President James Carter, the parties agreed to re-establish contacts between charges d’ affairs, a step supposed to be materialized on Wednesday through an exchange of letters.

But the announcement of its postponement by Colombian Foreign Minister Fernando Araujo upset Ecuador, which cancelled indefinitely the resumption of relations "until a serious, decent government exists in Colombia," as said by President Correa.

In view of the Carter Center's failed attempt, the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Jose Miguel Insulza, canceled a visit to Quito to try to find a solution to the bilateral diplomatic crisis.

India Sells Helicopters to Ecuador

New Delhi, Jun 26 (Prensa Latina) India's state-run Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd. signed a $51 million deal to sell seven high-tech Dhruv light helicopters to Autoridad Ecuatoriana de Aviacion.

The Indian Defense Ministry officials said the accord stipulates a 15 to 24 month delivery, allowing Dhruv helicopters enter a market so far exclusive to US, Russian and European technology.

PTI news agency reminded of India's loss two years ago of a sale of the same technology to Chile, who at the last minute agreed with a US contender.

Friday, June 27, 2008

Ecuador: The resignation of Alberto Acosta

(Eduardo Gudynas, Uruguay)
Asamblea Constituente blog, June 26, 2008
Old politics and new in the Ecuadorian Constituent Assembly

acostagudynasalfaroconst08.jpg

Alberto Acosta (left) and the author (right), in the office of the presidency of the Constituent Assembly, in Ciudad Alfaro, Ecuador.


The president of the Constituent Assembly of Ecuador, Alberto Acosta, resigned as chair of that body on Monday June 23. This is a fact of great importance and deserves an immediate analysis. It should be remembered that the economist Acosta was the most voted for
candidate in the Constituent Assembly for the government coalition "Acuerdo Pais", and one of the main pillars of the transformations underway in Ecuador.

Because of his popular support, and for his intellectual capacities, Acosta was selected to preside over the Assembly to draft the new constitution of Ecuador. Over these months he has guided this process, interspersed with legislative tasks undertaken by the Assembly, and under strong attack from conservative sectors and the representatives of traditional politics.

Given the closeness of the deadline for drafting the new constitution, set for July 26, various members of the Assembly, including Acosta himself, argued that it would be necessary to extend the deadlines to ensure quality and a text with sufficient legitimacy. That stance collided with the demands of other political actors, including many members of the government
coalition, and the president of the republic himself, Rafael Correa, who refused to extend that deadline and demanded an acceleration of pace and a reduction of the time spent on discussions.

Acosta, as indicated in his letter of resignation, did not want to sacrifice the plurality of debate and the quality of the text because of the pressure of time. In his view the Constituent Assembly should be a "democratic space par excellence", and because for democracy it is an "intrinsically fundamental condition that everyone can hear and be heard", it was necessary to ensure continuity in that debate. However, the political council of Acuerdo Pais withdrew its support, calling for a speeding up so as to reach the magical deadline for the vote. Faced with this new circumstance, Acosta resigned from the chairmanship of the Assembly, to go back to his position as an ordinary member of the Assembly.

This resignation has generated a great impact both in Ecuador and abroad. This is because constitutional reforms have been tested by other progressive governments: Venezuela and Bolivia. In both Bolivia and Venezuela this process has been contradictory and full of tension, while the Ecuadorian case, most recently, has appeared as the most orderly, and fed hopes that this attempt would bring a text of good quality, and one that was given broad social legitimacy. It seems timely to review these cases in order to analyse the options in Ecuador.

Let us begin with the Venezuelan proposal for constitutional reform, which was not born of civic complaint, but out of presidential interests to implement more or less specific
changes. This makes the process appear to be, not the seeking of a Venezuelan constitution common to all, but rather an agenda of Hugo Chávez. This not only prevented the building of consensus on basic principles, but accentuated the differences between chavistas and anti-chavistas. Many people there saw their opportunity to express their dissatisfaction with the progress of the Chavez government, without stopping to assess the quality of this constitutional proposal. The result is well known: the constitutional reform was rejected by the citizenry.

This is a basic lesson that should be borne in mind in the case of Ecuador. A constitution is not a partisan platform, nor can it reflect the presidential
interests, but must express agreements that are common to all citizens. This is precisely one of the risks they face at the headquarters of the Ecuadorian Constituent Assembly, in Alfaro City, since the project could end up being an expression of a government agenda, and their vote would be a referendum on the presidential figure.

In the case of Bolivia, the ruling coalition Movement for Socialism (MAS) of Evo Morales, held that a new constitution would allow it to refound the country. But the process was hindered, questioned and bombarded by the opposition. One problem was that many MAS members got caught up in repeating old political practices, and finally decided to rush the process and approve it as it was presented. The text has since shown evidence of drafting problems, and even contradictory concepts. Quality was sacrificed to ensure political deadlines. The consequences of that decision were that the constitutional text, rather than appeasing the national political debate by serving as a frame of reference for basic concepts and values shared by large majorities, completely fueled the fires of political crisis and resistance from various minorities.

All of these are important lessons. In Ecuador, the Constituent Assembly has also suffered tension and questions of all kinds. It is true that interventions in the Assembly can be used constructively to improve the constitutional text, but they were also exploited by opposition groups to disrupt, question and torpedo the whole process. That opposition, amplified in the media, created enormous tensions, which explains some delays, and aroused doubts in the citizenship. But could anyone assume that the opposition would act differently? The "politics of the spectacle" confused the process, but not the battle about cancelling the debate, when the antidote is to achieve a discussion of quality. Silence is not the solution to defeating the old policies.

The truth is that the progress of that debate, with all its lights and shadows, fed criticism directed towards Acosta for allowing everyone to speak in the Assembly. The president Rafael Correa came to say that Acosta was "too democratic", alluding to the need to shorten the discussion, implement automatic majorities, and approve the constitutional text. Correa confused his presidential role, the type of executive who can manage ministers and secretaries, with the role of a collegial body, and of small constituencies, where everyone has the same representation and authority.

It is true that there are several analysts of irreproachable reputation defending this change in the Constituent Assembly since they consider the "citizens' revolution" as facing increasing political costs, and that it is necessary to move quickly to the "yes" campaign for the new constitution (this as has been repeated in recent days, for example on Radio La Luna).

It might be tempting to the government
coalition to use its majority to force approval of the upcoming articles. The use of "automatic majorities" reflecting the views of presidency, has been used, for example, in Chavez's Venezuela or Néstor Kirchner's Argentina. In both cases the rules were adopted, but also ended in damaging the role of the legislature, where the vices of the old caudillo-style partyocracy persisted but in different clothing.

The risks of following that path to approve a constitutional text are enormous. Not only because of the problems listed above, but also because a constitution is not as simple as decreeing a law. A constitutional text goes far beyond that, pointing to a consensual framework where all citizens feel represented and protected. Again, Acosta is right on this issue when he says in his letter of resignation to the president that the process of the Constituent Assembly must "seek and obtain a true social pact in which large majorities but also minorities, are recognised and reconciled, not excluded ". He added that "we need a change in the way of doing politics, rescuing politics and repoliticising society; bearing in mind each time that democracy is for everyone and for all."

The "speed" puts a limit on the discussion, risking rejection, and many practices replicate the old policy, and therefore do not generate the legitimacy of inclusive agreement. Precisely because of these serious limitations it runs the risk of losing its content as a common project for the country, and becoming a referendum on presidential performance. There will, therefore, still be a focus on the quality of the text, but only to express rejection or attachment to Rafael Correa.

The resignation of Acosta also makes apparent differences on other development strategies to be followed in Ecuador. This is becoming increasingly evident from the slow but persistent shift by Correa towards conventional attitudes, such as continuing a
conventional oil policy or mining to encourage investment, both anchored in the insertion of international commercial dependency. In other words, strategies whose practical expression are becoming increasingly similar to those exploitative policies implemented in Peru or Colombia. The responses to those who warn about these problems from within Ecuadorian civil society fall into the trap of criticism and disqualification, which does not go unnoticed at the international level, and at this level also resembles what happens in Colombia and Peru.

Note carefully everything that is happening in Ecuador. The resignation of Alberto Acosta opens enormous challenges for the progress of constitutional reform, and to processes of
change in Ecuador. But it can not go unnoticed that such a resignation is also an example of a new politics. It can not be interpreted under the old political practices, as it did not aim for the headlines, nor at personal figures, nor was it intended to jeopardise the government coalition. It is a resignation that captures the dream of another way of practicing politics, committed to the principles and process of change. We have just witnessed a deeply masterful exercise of democracy.

Published in the weekly Adventures No. 102 on June 25, 2008. Reproduction of the article is allowed if the source is acknowledged. Creative Commons license with some restrictions.

Ecuador - Between bad political leadership and the abyss ...

By: Kintto Lucas
Publication Date: 25/06/2008
Argenpress

1. The resignation of Alberto Acosta as President of the Constituent Assembly, highlights the lack of political leadership in government and the Acuerdo Pais movement.

2. The inability demonstrated by the so-called "bureau" to assume a political leadership commensurate with a time of change, due to insufficient political and ideological consistency by many of its members has been evident since the beginning of the process of the Assembly.

3. An example of this failure was the delay in initiating the development of articles for lack of policy consistency in some cases, and doubts about the project in others, because they have no clear policy directives of the movement in most cases, but never lack of time for or have received too many delegations or for being too democratic. There was a clear fear in many members of Acuerdo Pais of initiating the body because they did not know what policy directions to follow ..

4. The political mistakes of the government since its inception, also show that lack of leadership. The examples are many, ranging from large to small and we can mention here relations with Colombia, where Uribe chose the battleground, relations with the armed forces, the facts of Dayuma, the formation of lists for the Assembly, the poor relation with the indigenous movement, the link with the Assembly, the neo-liberal agricultural mandate of recent days, etc., etc..

5. As I said in another article, politics is undoubtedly the continuation of war by other means. Sometimes more peaceful, sometimes more violent, but it does not stop or long cease being a war. The problem arises when the mistakes happen in the political direction of this war or the direction is distorted.

7. Using the master Sun Tzu in The Art of War, there are three ways in which a political body - namely bureau, committee, or president - could lead his army - call it a bloc of assemblymen, a political support-base, or whatever - to disaster. When that political leadership "ignoring the facts, orders their armies to move or retire when they should not do so, it is called immobilising the army." When that political leadership "ignores military matters, but shares equal command of the army, the soldiers become confusing." When that political leadership "ignores how to carry out military manoeuvres, but equally shared the leadership, soldiers become hesitant." "Once the armies are confused and hesitant, the problems start with opponents. This is called losing the victory by upsetting the military aspect. " A little bit of everything that is happening is because of the political leadership.

8. Triumphant are those who "have competent generals who are not constrained by their civilian government" said Sun Tzu. That phrase describes much of what is happening. And more, if the political leadership has no clear political line, but "gives orders about everything" that can occur so that when a general request for permission "to put out the fire", is authorised at the moment when "there are nothing but ashes" .

9. In the Bolivarian process in Venezuela the driving force of President Hugo Chávez has been critical, with the participation of cadre with proven track records and credibility such as Ali Rodriguez or Jose Vicente Rangel, plus clear draft guidelines and clear political direction. With differences, similar things are happening in other processes in South America. While it is impossible to ask for cadre such as Rodriguez or Rangel, a clear political direction permits no deviation from the path, and that is at fault ...

10. Hopefully the project, at least, is not derailed; assuming a political leadership commensurate with a time of change, there is no divergence from the road and, when it falls to the Constituent Assembly, there is no change in the more progressive texts than have already been approved ... Hopefully that YES is a real political choice rather than a image drawn up in an advertising agency ...

Thursday, June 26, 2008

CONAIE announce the possibility of withdrawing their representatives from the Constituent Assembly

El Comercio y EFE, Quito, 25-6-08
The Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE) unveiled its "deep concern over the future of the new Constitution", after the departure of Alberto Acosta, President of the Constituent Assembly.

Through a communique CONAIE, the highest indigenous organisation in the country, noted that the conduct of the Assembly by Acosta, who resigned on Monday from the presidency of that body, was "successful, democratic, pluralistic and participatory", since the installation of the Constituent Assembly.

CONAIE regretted the departure of Acosta and explained that this decision is "a product of the continuous pressure and excessive interference by the Executive, which has not respected the plenary powers and autonomy" of the constitutional forum.

For CONAIE, the drafting the new constitution - underway since last November 29 in Montecristi, Manabi - is a "challenge for all".

CONAIE demanded also that President Rafael Correa "be consistent with his speeches and postulates for the campaign, and not dilute this political project of change".

The indigenous sector announced also the possibility of withdrawing their representatives from the Assembly after an analysis conducted of the Constituent Assembly.

The Constituent Assembly yesterday accepted the resignation of Alberto Acosta, official of the movement Acuerdo Pais, from the presidency of that institution.

Acosta resigned from that post because of differences with his political group on the need to extend the deadline to finish drafting the new Constitution, scheduled for next July 26.

ECUADOR: Constituent Assembly Shakeup Highlights Divisions

By Rosa Rodríguez

QUITO, Jun 25 (IPS) - The resignation of the head of the constituent assembly that is rewriting Ecuador’s constitution, a popular figure who up to now has been close to President Rafael Correa, highlighted discrepancies within the government.

Alberto Acosta was replaced Wednesday by the vice president of the assembly, Fernando Cordero.

Acosta resigned Tuesday after the leadership of the governing Acuerdo País party asked him last week to "step aside," he said. He himself supported the decision to appoint Cordero as his replacement.

"My resignation does not mean I am abandoning my commitment to the government programme and to our electoral promises," Acosta told IPS. "I will remain a member of the constituent assembly, faithful to my principles, willing to engage in dialogue, as a member of the Acuerdo País bloc."

But the president of the powerful Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE) expressed concern, because of the Ecuadorean people’s strong confidence in Acosta.

He told IPS that Acosta’s resignation was "the result of constant, overbearing pressure and meddling from the executive branch, which has not respected the assembly’s full autonomy and authority."

CONAIE also said Correa should be "coherent with his discourse and election promises, and should not water down his commitment to the promised political changes."

This is not the first time differences between Acosta and Correa have flared up since the left-leaning president took office in January 2007.

Acosta’s resignation was triggered by disagreements over the way the assembly is being managed. According to Correa, so much time was taken up by assembly-members addressing the plenary session that it was becoming impossible to meet the Jul. 26 deadline for completing the draft of the new constitution.

So far, 90 articles of the new constitution have been approved by the assembly, and more than 300 are still in the process of approval.

But according to Acosta, the assembly is "a democratic forum par excellence," and it is the process itself, and not only the text of the document, that will make the new constitution meaningful to the lives of all Ecuadoreans. He added, upon presenting his resignation, that "society will be democratic only if the process of building it is democratic."

"We need to change the way we do politics, politicising society while keeping in mind at all times that democracy is for everyone and rejecting in practice, and not only in rhetoric, the old, exhausted practices of the traditional parties," said Acosta.

He also said he was fully committed to the urgent social and political changes promised by the government and that for that reason he does not believe that debate and deliberation and the clarity and quality of the draft constitution should be sacrificed to meet a deadline.

Acosta said the aim of the ruling party leadership was to replace him with someone who agreed on the need to make the deadline.

But sources in the assembly who preferred to remain anonymous told IPS that measures to confront the food crisis presented last week by Correa were criticised by Acosta, who believes that not only do they delay the work of the assembly, but that they also favour large agrochemical companies over small and medium size farmers.

Acosta, a university professor, economic analyst and newspaper columnist, has close ties to indigenous and social movements and is seen as having a stronger commitment to social causes than any other leading figure in the governing coalition.

He is considered one of the president’s mentors and was the first to promote Correa’s candidacy when he was economy minister in 2005. He also enjoys strong credibility and is the second most popular political leader in the country, after Correa: they have popularity ratings of 47 and 57 percent, respectively, according to opinion polls.

After stating that it is the people themselves who build history, Acosta said "the constituent assembly is the only opportunity for change," and pointed to several important advances reflected in the draft constitution.

For example, "Sumak Kausay" ("good life" in the Quechua indigenous language) "is a condition for achieving true quality of life, going beyond mere subsistence while leaving aside insatiable consumerism, which only a few enjoy," he said.

"This ‘good life’ must be based on respect and recognition of ‘the other’. My freedom ends where someone else’s begins -- the freedom of that ‘other’, with whom we are building a social, as well as political, community," said Acosta.

He also underlined that through the new constitution’s "recognition of Ecuador as a plurinational state, we will find ourselves in a state that, while unified in terms of sovereignty and territory, recognises and incorporates the different indigenous nations that form part of Ecuador, reaffirming that this coexistence without colonial-style power relations is built on an intercultural foundation."

In addition, he emphasised the process of decentralisation and regional autonomy, which clarifies the roles and authority of each level of government, while strengthening the capacities of the central administration, arguing that "without a strong central state, decentralisation is a fallacy."

The new constitution also stresses national sovereignty, added Acosta. "Our country will be a territory of peace, free of the presence of foreign troops," he said.

And for the first time ever, nature will be protected in the constitution. "This is unprecedented; it is a novel contribution to global legislation," he said.

The constitution will also declare water "a basic human right" -- another point of contention with the government, according to the constituent assembly sources who spoke to IPS.

Furthermore, "the new constitution recognises all forms of work, including subsistence farming, self-employment, caretaking and domestic work, as enjoying the same rights and guarantees. Wages must be decent, and must tend to be equivalent to the cost of the basic basket of consumer goods; there will be no more overexploitation of workers," said Acosta.

Ecuador to purchase warplanes to bolster border security

QUITO, June 25 (Xinhua) -- Ecuador's armed forces plan to buy warplanes, new radar and other equipment to beef up the country's capability of handling emergency problems, Defense Minister Javier Ponce said Wednesday.

Ponce said the government is buying multi-purpose light military jets, unmanned aircraft and new radar systems with the total investment of 400 million U.S. dollars.

Of the amount, 270 million dollars will be used to buy 24 Super Tucano planes made by Brazilian aircraft manufacturer Embraer. Other funds will be used to buy six Israeli-made unmanned aircraft and a batch of radar and telecommunications equipment.

The defense minister said Ecuador's armed forces also plan to buy air defense missiles and a netted radar system in batches; and to build three radar stations to create coverage for the whole country.

Ecuador has also bought two light frigates from Chile for 24 million dollars.

Ponce said he hopes Ecuador's neighbors would not worry about the military reinforcement, saying neither Colombia nor Chile are considered a national security threat.

According to the minister, Ecuador must protect itself from Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) rebels and illegal drug traffickers on the border with Colombia.

Ecuador broke off diplomatic relations with Colombia following the latter's bombing raid on a FARC camp in Ecuadorian territory on March 1.

Ecuador buys planes, radar for border

QUITO, Ecuador (AP) — Colombian rebels in northern Ecuador are an old problem that previous governments failed to confront, Ecuador's defense minister told The Associated Press, announcing additions to a growing arsenal aimed at securing the Andean nation's borders.

Defense Minister Javier Ponce said in an interview that the government is buying six Israeli-made unmanned aerial vehicles and new radar so it can get a better handle on its borders, especially the troubled frontier with Colombia.

The acquisitions are in addition to 24 Super Tucano warplanes announced in May.

He said he does not consider Colombia a national security threat, though the leftist Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia that dominates the northern border zone — and the illegal drug trade that fuels its insurgency — are a danger.

"We are not able to impede the establishment of guerrilla camps or drug labs, but to the degree that we have been dismantling a series of labs and camps we are establishing a certain capacity to prevent this from getting out of control," Ponce told the AP on Tuesday evening.

Ecuador's military radar on the Colombian border was turned off on March 1 when Colombia bombed a rebel camp just inside Ecuador, Ponce said.

Ecuador broke diplomatic ties with Colombia over the attack, which killed a top rebel and 24 others.

Colombia's armed forces chief, Gen. Freddy Padilla, told the AP in Bogota earlier this month that the Ecuadorean side of the 400-mile (640-kilometer) jungle border is dotted with cocaine laboratories and rebel camps while the Colombian side is a sea of coca cultivation.

Ponce did not deny that, calling the presence of the rebels, known as the FARC, in the region "an old problem" that previous Ecuadorean government failed to confront.

A poet and close adviser of leftist President Rafael Correa, Ponce was named defense minister in April in a shake-up of Ecuador's armed forces.

On Tuesday, he also said that he is investigating Ecuador's military intelligence apparatus over its failure to inform the Correa government of FARC and Colombian armed forces movements — accusing them of sharing such information with the United States instead.

Ponce did not specify the value of the new military purchases, though he did say Ecuador was paying $270 million for the Super Tucanos.

He would not say whether any of the unmanned aerial vehicles would carry armament.

U.S. Military Looks to Colombia to Replace Base in Ecuador

Written by Teo Ballvé for Upside Down World
Wednesday, 25 June 2008

Source: NACLA Report on the Americas

An article by the Colombian weekly magazine Cambio suggests the U.S. military base in Manta, Ecuador, will be moved to a new location in Colombia after the U.S. military’s contract with Ecuador expires in 2009. The likely new host for the U.S. base is Colombia’s Palanquero air force base in Puerto Salgar, 120 miles north of Bogotá.

Cambio cites an April 22 meeting between U.S. Ambassador to Colombia William Brownfield and Defense Minister Juan Manuel Santos in which the U.S. diplomat delivered some unexpected news. Brownfield told the minister the State Department had decided the Palanquero base was being “recertified.” Cambio mentions “military and diplomatic circles” interpreted the decision as the first step toward establishing the new U.S. base in Palanquero.


U.S. troops at the Manta air base. (By Cambio Archives)

The base had been “decertified”—barring it from receiving direct U.S. military assistance—since January 2003, when a Colombian court implicated planes from Palanquero in the 1998 bombing of a town in eastern Colombia in which 18 innocent civilians were killed. (That same year, Palanquero received $352,000 in unspecified U.S. military aid.) The Colombian military first blamed the deaths on a guerrilla car bomb, but subsequent investigations found a U.S.-made rocket—only used by the Air Force—caused the destruction.

Brownfield said the State Department’s recent recertification was in response to supposed gains by the Colombian Armed Forces in respect for human rights and in the planning and execution of Air Force operations. Palanquero is equipped with advanced radar equipment installed by a U.S. team in the 1990s that played an instrumental role in the March bombing of a guerrilla camp in Ecuador that killed Raúl Reyes, a commander of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).

Latin American countries rallied around Ecuador and denounced the bombing and subsequent incursion by Colombian Special Forces. The United States was alone in lending its full support to the Colombian government's controversial decision. And now that the U.S. contract for the Manta base is set to expire, the U.S. military would naturally consider relocating the base on the soil of its most steadfast ally in the region: Colombia.

Sources from both the Colombian and U.S. governments refuse to publicly confirm or deny whether Palanquero will be the new site of the U.S. base—or even if the new base will in fact be in Colombia. “We have to look at criteria like geography, altitude, concentration of threat, etc.” Brownfield said in an interview last month when asked about the base relocation. “Without a doubt, there are possibilities in Colombia. Our government could propose and the host would decide if this type of collaboration is permitted.” Colombian President Álvaro Uribe similarly left the door open to the possibility: “We will continue to do everything possible to strengthen the help of the United States in the effort to defeat narcotrafficking. We have not talked about a military base, we’ve talked the way we always do . . . about ways to strengthen cooperation.”

Manta: A South American Foothold

In U.S. military jargon, Manta is a “Forward Operating Location,” later renamed a “Cooperative Security Location” (CSL) in a branding effort presumably aimed at sounding less invasive and permanent. Manta was first leased to the military by the administration of Ecuadoran President Jamal Mahuad in 1999. In 2001 alone, the U.S. military used $61.3 million from the multibillion-dollar military aid package known as Plan Colombia to revamp Manta, which remains the only full-blown U.S. CSL on the South American mainland.


Click on map to enlarge. (By El Tiempo)

The improvements built by a local subsidiary of the ABB Susa corporation, a New Jersey military contractor, allowed the creation of a formidable war machine capable of handling some of the largest aircrafts in the U.S. arsenal. Manta currently counts on a rotating set of about 450 personnel, including agents from the military, Drug Enforcement Agency, Coast Guard and Customs Enforcement.

The 10-year agreements that regulate the lease of bases like Manta supposedly limit their use to counter-drug missions, but several press investigations and accusations by the Ecuadoran government show the base is also used for intelligence gathering and logistical support to aid the Colombian government’s counter-insurgency against the FARC.

Manta has also been the subject of several scandals, including one in August 2005 when local press revealed a former U.S. operative from Manta was recruiting Ecuadoran and Colombian nationals to join mercenary operations in Iraq. The company leading the recruiting was EPI Security & Investigators, owned by Jeffrey Shippy, a former Manta employee of Dyncorp, the military contractor managing the spraying of coca fields in neighboring Colombia.

Ecuadoran President Rafael Correa has long warned he plans to not renew the lease on Manta. He famously declared he would allow the U.S. military to keep Manta under the “simple” condition that Ecuador be allowed to build a similar base in Miami. Correa’s allies are even planning to write into the new Constitution a prohibition on foreign military bases. With the loss of Manta, the U.S. military not only loses a strategic piece of real estate, but also a necessary foothold for surveillance missions conducted by AWAC E3 and P-3 Orion spy aircraft.

Enter Stage Right: Palanquero

U.S. military spokespeople have also floated the idea of Peru as a potential home for the new base, which would join ranks with similar “Cooperative Security Locations” in El Salvador and in the Caribbean islands of Aruba and Curaçao—and another on Cuban soil if Guantánamo were included. A joint-report by a series of Latin America watchdog organizations based in Washington from 2007 explains: “The physical presence of U.S. military personnel throughout the hemisphere has changed substantially during the past ten years. Back in 1997, large military bases were the rule, most of them in the former Panama Canal Zone.”

With the loss of these bases, including the Howard Air Force Base in Panama, the Pentagon came up with the idea of “Forward Operating Locations” or “Cooperative Security Locations” as a decentralized infrastructure that would help the military keep tabs on the region and replace the lost capacity for surveillance on drug trafficking, which had been deemed the latest “national security threat.”


U.S. Navy sailors in joint exercise with Peruvian Navy. (By US Navy)

The loss of the Manta air base comes at a time when the Pentagon is beginning to reassert its military presence in Latin America and the Caribbean. The U.S. Navy, for instance, announced in April the re-establishment of its Fourth Fleet. The Fourth Fleet was created in 1943 during World War II, but was scrapped seven years later after the end of the war. Announcing its resurrection, the Navy vaguely stated the fleet was charged with conducting “varying missions including a range of contingency operations, counter narco-terrorism, and theater security cooperation activities.”

The journalists at Cambio visited Palanquero and discovered that, in the eyes of U.S. military planners, it is ideally equipped like no other installation in Latin America. A much larger facility than Manta, Palanquero has enough housing for more than 2,000 people in a huge complex that includes restaurants, a supermarket, a theater, a hospital, and even a casino. And its aviation capacities are state-of-the-art for the region: two huge hangars able to accommodate between 50 and 60 planes and a runway that is 600 meters longer than Manta’s. “Up to three planes can take off at a time,” a military officer proudly told reporters.

The potential U.S. base is strategically located in the center of the country. The Colombian Air Force’s Israeli-made Kfir fighter jets can currently reach all of the country’s borders in 10 minutes. And since Palanquero lies on the banks of the Magdalena River it is even capable of receiving amphibious aircraft, Cambio reports.

Former Colombian Defense Minister Rafael Pardo Rueda (1991–94) has already stated his opposition to the possibility of a new base. “A decision of this caliber would have serious repercussions for our foreign relations,” said Pardo, Colombia’s first civilian defense minister. “The possible base would reinforce the opinion that the decisions of Colombia are subordinated to the North. . . . Cooperation is better under sovereign conditions, rather than having a base acting with autonomy within our borders.”

If the U.S. military is indeed planning on moving into Palanquero, Colombian law would require approval of the Senate, which is currently dominated by Uribe’s allies. Nonetheless, Cambio established that current security cooperation agreements between the United States and Colombia already contain the sufficient loopholes to make the move legally painless.




Teo Ballvé is a freelance journalist based in Colombia.

Wednesday, June 25, 2008

Ecuador: Constituent Assembly President Steps Down


From Global Voices Online, June 25, 2008

Alberto Acosta while acting as Energy Minister, picture reproduced under conditions of Secretaría General de la Comunidad Andina.

President Rafael Correa has managed to remain in power no matter his popularity among Latin American presidents. He sits in the 5th position and internally in Ecuador there still is a considerable number of people who have started to feel defrauded by the motto, La Patria ya es de todos (The country belongs to everyone now).

Correa has been criticized by many for his personal and political conduct, but what is most important is that he doesn't tolerate the mistakes of others and is quick to react. One of his number one concerns has been the push to have the new Constitution, now being debated and discussed in the Constituent Assembly, be approved by July 24. However, the president of the Assembly and member of Correa's own political party Alberto Acosta, recently announced that he was stepping down as President. Ecuadoran bloggers soon began to discuss the resignation and wondered about the true reasons behind the decision, and how much the pressure was placed by Correa. They also wonder who might fill Acosta's shoes and what that means for the Assembly.

Rubén Darío Buitron [es] thinks PAIS (Correa's political party) has set its sights on increased power.

El anuncio dejó más dudas que certezas: cuando Acosta dijo que no quiere ser “responsable de un atropello” o que no está de acuerdo “con sacrificar el debate a cambio de la premura de los tiempos”, abrió lecturas adicionales a su reiterado mensaje de que no hay crisis en PAIS y que “esa es la manera democrática de resolver una polémica”.
[…]
¿Ganó Correa este primer round? En apariencia, sí, pero no necesariamente: la renuncia o el “minigolpe de Estado” que, por confesión del propio Acosta, le dio la cúpula de PAIS al pedirle que se retirara de la presidencia, reveló públicamente lo que muchos ecuatorianos vienen percibiendo hace tiempo: el presidente de la República y el grupo que lo rodea, capitaneado por Vinicio Alvarado, tienen su propio proyecto de poder.

The announcement left more questions than certainties: Acosta has said he doesn't want to be “responsible for such a mess” or that disagrees “with sacrificing debate in exchange for the time constraints,” he also opened new interpretations to his repeated message that there is no crisis in PAIS and that “It is the democratic way to resolve a controversy.”
[…]
Did Correa win this first round? In appearance, yes, but not necessarily: the resignation or “coup d'etat” that Acosta, by his own confession, was asked by PAIS to step down from the presidency and publicly revealed what many Ecuadorans have been sensing: that the President of the Republic and the group around him led by Vinicio Alvarado, have their own plan for power.

As expected, the resignation has been already accepted and among the possible candidates for the new president are names like: César Rodríguez, Aminta Buenaño, María Paula Romo and Fernando Cordero, who is a controversial figure. El Federalista [es] tells Ecuadorans what will happen if Cordero becomes the new Assembly President:

Sin duda ahora la Asamblea Constituyente marchará más rápido aprobando cada desacierto gubernamental sin discusión, sin al menos el diálogo aparente, con todo y faltas de ortografía, mala redacción y el abuso lingüístico del “todos y todas” en cada párrafo. Para ello Fernando Cordero se prestará diligente para que “llegue, sumíllese y apruébese” cada papelote que llegue de Carondelet, y si no es Cordero será otro (”otro u otra”). Si la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente ya era imitación del peor de los congresos, hoy será peor, una vulgar secretaría del gobierno que baje la cabeza y alce la mano. Qué vergüenza, si es que cabe más.

Surely now the Constituent Assembly will proceed faster by passing each government error without any discussions. It would at least pass the articles without dialogue, including everything with misspellings, poor wording, and an abuse of language in each paragraph. To do so, Fernando Cordero will diligently work so that each instructive from Carondelet (the Presidential palace) will “arrive, be signed and approved,” and if it's not Cordero it will be another. If the National Constituent Assembly was already an imitation of the worst aspects of Congress, today it will be even worse, due to a vulgar secretariat of the government who lowers the head and raises the hand. What a shame, to say the least.

Very few have questioned the tenure of the former Assembly President, and even a few still think “el cargo le quedó muy grande” [es] (the role was to big for him). La Hueca [es] doesn't want to accept the reality of political affairs and still has doubts that Alberto Acosta really should drop his seat:

Esta si que no me la venía venir ni en sueños, que Don Alberto renuncie. Este si es un golpe duro, por supuesto si es que se da; a la Asamblea Constituyente; Don Alberto creo es la única persona del Oficialismo capaz de unir y concensuar todas las ideas y proyectos de la nueva constitución.

Aunque digan lo contrario esto fortalecerá el NO ya que diga lo que se diga la renuncia de Don Alberto se debe a diferencias entre nuestro Presidente Rafael Correo y Don Alberto Acosta.

Mr. Alberto's regignation is something that did not see coming, not even in my wildest dreams. And this is a tough blow, of course, if it occurs, to the Constituent Assembly; I believe that Mr. Alberto is the only person capable of uniting and bringing together all of the ideas and proposals for the new Constitution.

Although they will say the opposite this will only strengthen the NO (vote for the Constitution) no matter what is said. Mr. Alberto's resignation is due to differences between our President Rafael Correa and Mr. Alberto Acosta.

As it's being said this is only the first part of a political drama in which main director is President Correa, let's keep an eye of what's happening in Ecuador especially now that someone who was considered to be capable of briging together the diverse policial parties is now out. Some of his colleages had presented support for Acosta and they are representative of the population at large, such as Monica Chiji and Rafael Stevez [es], both are of the opinion his resignation shouldn't be accepted.

Posted by Milton Ramirez

Ecuador refuses to resume diplomatic ties with Colombia

QUITO, June 24 (Xinhua) -- Ecuador will not resume diplomatic ties with Colombia after the latter decided to postpone renewal of relations, Ecuadorian Foreign Minister Maria Isabel Salvador said Tuesday.

"They have talked about postponing the decision, we have made the decision not to resume relations with Colombia," Salvador told reporters without saying how long the rupture will last.

"If the situation does not improve," especially Colombia's stance towards Ecuador, "we do not rule out the eventual possibility of imposing trade restrictions," Salvador added.

The Colombian government decided to postpone the reestablishment of diplomatic ties with Ecuador because of "aggressive" remarks by Ecuadoran President Rafael Correa in a recent newspaper interview.

Correa told Pagina 12 that for a full re-establishment of ties, his government would demand that the Colombian attack "be fully clarified," and said that "the bombs (used) were American."

Correa and his Colombian counterpart Alvaro Uribe agreed two weeks ago to re-establish ties this week at the trade attache level, a step toward normalizing diplomatic relations severed in March after the Colombian military entered Ecuador's territory to chase Colombian rebels.

Colombia-Ecuador spat continues

The Colombian raid on a rebel camp inside Ecuador sparked the diplomatic row [EPA]

From Al Jazeera, June 25, 2008

Colombia has postponed the restoration of diplomatic ties with Ecuador because of what it called "aggressive" remarks by Rafeal Correa, Ecuador's president.

Correa had told an Argentinian newspaper that his government would demand that a Colombian attack "be fully clarified", and said that "the bombs [used] were American."

Ecuador broke off ties with Colombia following a Colombian raid on a Farc rebel base inside Ecuador on March 1 and relations between the two have since been frosty.

The countries were set to renew ties this week at the level of charges d'affaires in a deal brokered by Jimmy Carter, the former US president.

But Fernando Araujo, the Colombian foreign minister, said on Tuesday that Colombia had "decided to postpone this rapprochement in the hope that the attitude of the government of Ecuador, and especially that of President Correa, becomes a friendly one".

"We don't feel comfortable re-establishing ties amid such aggressive statements from President Correa."

Ecuadorean threat

The Ecuadorean government responded by threatening to impose trade sanctions on Colombia.

"After this latest non-fulfilment of promises ... by Colombia, the government of Ecuador has decided not to renew relations with this country," said Maria Isabel Salvador, the Ecuadorean foreign minister, in Quito.

"If the situation does not improve, above all in Colombia's position toward Ecuador, we don't rule out the possibilities of imposing trade restrictions," she said.

Correa and his government have repeatedly denounced Colombia for the raid that killed a Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia senior leader and 24 other people.

They have bitterly denied Colombian allegations that documents found on computers at the rebel camp showed the rebels had at least tried to help finance Correa's presidential campaign.



Ecuador says may impose Colombia trade sanctions

QUITO (Reuters) June 24, 2008 - Ecuador said on Tuesday it may impose trade restrictions on Colombia, part of a diplomatic dispute stemming from a Colombian military raid on Ecuador's side of the border in March.

The threat came after Colombia postponed this week's scheduled restoration of diplomatic ties with its neighbor.

"We do not discard the possibility of applying some trade restrictions on Colombia in the future," Ecuadorean Foreign Minister Isabel Salvador told reporters.

The rift began nearly four months ago with a Colombian military strike against a rebel camp on Ecuadorean ground. Ecuador broke diplomatic relations over the bombing raid, which killed a Colombian rebel leader.

Left-wing Ecuadorean President Rafael Correa, who has clashed with Colombia's conservative leader, Alvaro Uribe, said over the weekend that his country was aggrieved by Colombia's actions throughout the dispute and that Ecuador would be the one to set a timetable for re-establishing relations.

The countries were set to renew ties this week at the level of charges d'affaires in a deal brokered by former U.S. President Jimmy Carter.

"But the recent statements by President Correa have closed the possibility of advancing this process," Colombian Foreign Minister Fernando Araujo said in a statement to Colombian radio early on Tuesday.

The Organization of American States on Tuesday called on both sides to stop making public statements of a distancing nature and get on with restoring ties.

Colombia says computer files found in the destroyed rebel camp show that Ecuador and Venezuela had secret ties to the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, known as FARC, a charge both countries deny.

Fernando Cordero to Head Ecuadorian Assembly

Quito, Jun 24 (Prensa Latina) Fernando Cordero, first vice president of the Constituent Assembly, will be sworn in on Tuesday to head that institution, replacing Alberto Acosta, who resigned recently.

The decision was made on Monday night at a meeting of the political bureau of the Acuerdo Pais (AP) movement, which holds the majority of seats at the Constituent Assembly.

Participants in the meeting, held at the Eloy Alfaro de Manta University, in the province of Manabi, agreed to accept Acosta's resignation, which could not be submitted to the Assembly on Sunday due to a lack of quorum.

Acosta told a news conference at the Assembly's headquarters in Montecristi that he had resigned irrevocably because of his opposition to speed up the debates on the Constitution to have it ready by July 26.

Most members of Acuerdo Pais, the movement I belong to and to which I ratify my membership, have agreed to speed up the works to present the Constitution before the deadline (July 26), pointed out Acosta, who added that the AP political bureau asked him to cede the leadership to another member to have the Constitution ready before the deadline.

That was why he decided to resign. However, he made it clear that he will remain in the movement as an assembly member to contribute to the drawing up of the future Constitution, which will boost changes in this Andean nation.

Cordero, an architect, ex deputy and former Cuenca mayor, was the second most voted candidate in last year's elections for the Constituent Assembly, after Acosta.

Ecuador assembly head quits in constitution rift

Enrique Andres Pretel and Alonso Soto

QUITO, June 23 (Reuters) - The head of the assembly rewriting Ecuador's constitution resigned on Monday, exposing a rift in the leftist government and complicating its effort to overhaul institutions to bolster the president's power.

President Rafael Correa has made a priority of passing a new constitution this year that would allow him to run for office again and increase state control over the economy, particularly in the Andean country's mining and oil industries.

Assembly chief Alberto Acosta, a former oil minister who generally wants more curbs on foreign investment in mining than the president, told reporters he quit because Correa would not extend an end-of-July deadline for rewriting the constitution.

"I do not think we should sacrifice ... the quality of the text for the sake of speed," Acosta told a news conference. "We must produce a constitution of quality."

The tussle between the president and Acosta is important for foreign investors, particularly in the mining sector, where large projects run by Canadian companies are on hold until the government makes new rules.

Acosta's break with Correa also weakens the ruling alliance. Acosta, a hard-line leftist who often supports environmental groups against foreign companies, was popular both with government supporters and the opposition for seeking consensus despite Correa's typically confrontational style of politics.

Ecuadoreans complain the assembly, which has replaced Congress as the country's main legislature, is moving too slowly in the oil- and banana-exporting country.

Correa has also criticized its work, which has sometimes been bogged down with members' pet issues, including a measure to make sexual pleasure a constitutional right.

"We reiterate our commitment to have a constitution (proposal) by the end of July," said Augusto Barrea, the government's liaison in the assembly. "This is imperative. It is not optional."

ECUADOREANS DECIDE

Once the assembly produces its proposal, Ecuadoreans will vote on it in a referendum scheduled for September.

On topics setting rules to limit sovereign debt deals, scrap the central bank's autonomy and shift control over industries to the state, the assembly has largely mapped out its proposal.

The president still has work to do to convince Ecuadoreans to pass the constitution but his high popularity gives him a good chance of winning the vote, pollsters say.

Correa closed down the opposition-led Congress last year only months after coming to office.

Ecuador's assembly has already approved laws giving Correa more control over the budget and plans constitutional reforms that could allow him to stay in office until 2017.

The assembly is proposing to lift a ban on immediate presidential re-election and call for an early general election next year.

Correa chose Acosta to head the assembly. But his longtime ally has shown his independence in the job and his resignation appeared to be the culmination of weeks of disagreements.

Acosta would like to limit the work of companies such as Aurelian Resources, Corriente Resources and Iamgold Inc, while Correa says their investment is vital to a nascent industry that could spur economic growth.

Ecuador, UNHCR open refugee office on border with Colombia

QUITO, June 20 (Xinhua) -- The Ecuadorian government, along with a delegation of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), opened a refugee office Friday in Nueva Loja, a city bordering Colombia.

Ecuadorian Foreign Minister Maria Isabel Salvador said the office will help foreigners, especially displaced Colombians, seek safety and refuge.

Salvador said the refugee office opened in the capital of Scumbios province, in the Amazon region on World Refugee Day.

"Ecuador respects human rights, therefore, we welcome people forced to leave their homeland to a safe and calm life," she said.

Salvador added that 97 percent of the refugees in the country are Colombians and the office expects to help some 50,000 foreigners seek refuge in Ecuador up to June 2009.

This new office will open on July 1 and more offices are expected to be opened to provide assistance to foreigners in other border provinces, Salvador added.

Ecuador has given refugee status to 18,012 people between the year 2000 and May 2008, making the country the one that has welcomed the largest number of refugees in Latin America.

According to data from the UNHCR, there are some 180,000 displaced people in Ecuador due to the violence in Colombia.

Marta Juarez, UNHCR representative in Ecuador said many refugees face difficulties and shortages when they arrive in Ecuador. Therefore, she emphasized the importance of a new office to speed up and improve assistance to foreigners.

Ecuador To Create Co To Operate Former Occidental Fields

QUITO -(Dow Jones via CNN) June 20, 2008 - The state unit that operates the oil fields formerly owned by Occidental Petroleum Company (OXY) will be converted into Petroamazonas SA, an independent state-owned company, in August, Wilson Pastor, the unit's manager, told to Dow Jones Newswires Friday.

Ecuador canceled Occidental's operating contract in May 2006, claiming the company broke several of the terms, particularly by transferring a 40% stake in its Ecuadorean projects to Canada's EnCana Corp. (ECA) without Energy Ministry approval.

To operate Occidental's fields, the government of former President Alfredo Palacio created the "Special Unit of Administration and Temporary Operation," which will become Petroamazonas SA.

Petroamazonas SA will have its own rules and its own directory, integrated by a representative of the president, the country's ministers of finance and oil, and state-owned oil company Petroecuador's president and vice president.

Pastor said Petroamazonas will administer and operate the former Occidental fields, known as Block 15, as well as the state's Panacocha field, signing a services contract with Petroecuador. The new company won't have assets. Its function will be to produce oil at cost.

Panacocha should begin producing in the last quarter of 2008 or at the beginning of 2009.

The new company, when formed, will manage the $838 million budget approved by Petroecuador's board for Block 15 and Panacochaearlier this year for 2008.

This budget includes $68 million to begin developing the Panacocha field and $ 50 million to improve roads to access Block 15. Between January and June, the Block 15 administrator has already spent $138 million.

According to Pastor, Block 15 will produce 104,000 barrels a day at the end of the year. Right now its production is around 94,000 barrels a day.

Petroecuador would own an 80% stake in Petroamazonas, and Petroecuador's production subsidiary, Petroproduccion, would own the remaining 20%.

Panacocha is located in the Orellana province, northeast of the capital, Quito.

-By Mercedes Alvaro, Dow Jones Newswires

Ecuador Tops List with More LatAm Refugees

Quito, Jun 20 (Prensa Latina) Ecuador commemorates the International Refugee Day Friday with the greatest amount of foreign refugees, mostly Colombians, in this part of the continent.

Statistics data given by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees said that more than 500,000 Colombian citizens are now living in Ecuador.

Eighteen thousand of these Colombian citizens obtained the condition as a refugee, and another 180,000 require protection.

Statistics reveal Ecuador suffers one or more avalanches of thousands of Colombian citizens every year.

The last one was registered at the end of 2007 after an attack of regular forces in the south of Colombia, motivating the escape of entire families and farmers and threatening to generate a humanitarian crisis in the north of Ecuador.

Martha Juarez, representative of the UNHCR in Ecuador, admitted that her organization does not count on the necessary funds to help all the refugees.

She pointed out there are shelters in the northern border, but the government has had to ask the Colombian government for help and assistance.

UNHRC counts on attention centers in Quito and Ibarra and wants to open another in the province of Sucumbios, close to Colombia, on Friday.

However, the complaints are many, since the rights of the refugees or necessary security are not guaranteed.

The Latin American Human Rights Association (ALDHU) denounced the kidnapping by possible Colombian paramilitary of three Ecuadorian citizens last month, among them a refugee.

The UNHRC also demanded an investigation and a reinforcement of security, but the situation gets no variation.

FACTBOX: Key proposals for Ecuador's new constitution

(Reuters) June 20, 2008 - Ecuador's President Rafael Correa will bolster his authority this year if voters approve a new constitution extending state control over the economy and opening the way for his possible re-election.

Here are some of the key constitutional reforms proposed by Correa's allies who control the assembly:

ECONOMY

* The state will have more control and regulation over strategic sectors such as oil, mining and telecommunications, and could tighten regulation on monopolies.

* The president will manage monetary policy instead of the central bank. Ecuador adopted the U.S. dollar as its official currency in 2000, but Correa has been a critic of the move that aimed to halt the rapid devaluation of the national currency.

DEBT

* Create the concept of "illegitimacy" for some foreign loans and promote civilian audits of debt. The measure could give the government a legal base on which to challenge credits in courts.

EXECUTIVE POWERS

* Allow immediate presidential re-election for a four-year term.

* The president could dissolve Congress once during his four-year term, but immediately call for general elections to be ratified in his post.

LAND AND AGRICULTURE

* The state has the right to expropriate idle farming land to redistribute it. Bans large land-holdings.

* Bans genetically modified seeds, with the exception of some crops approved by the president and Congress.

* Some reforms already approved by the assembly include a move to forbid most international arbitration on future foreign contractual rows and ban foreign military bases in Ecuador.

(Reporting by Alonso Soto; editing by Jackie Frank)

Ecuador constitution debate distracted by sex

By Cristina Munoz

MONTECRISTI, Ecuador (Reuters) - Should women have the legal right to demand sexual pleasure?

An Ecuadorean politician thinks so and offered to include a woman's right to good sex in the country's next constitution, which faces a referendum on its approval later this year.

Though Maria Soledad Vela's proposal was eventually scrapped, it sparked an outcry in the deeply religious Andean nation and overshadowed the work of the government-controlled assembly rewriting the constitution.

Pollsters say such proposals reinforce the idea among Ecuadoreans that the assembly is bogged down in idle debate and not solving everyday problems like unemployment.

"I think even if my proposal generated laughs and ridicule some parts of society are rethinking what really is a healthy sexual relationship and sexual pleasure," Vela said.

The 45-year-old mother of two says Ecuador's male-dominated society has forced women to serve as sexual objects, and her proposal aimed to bring gender equality and fight sexual violence even if that meant women suing their husbands.

The assembly is acting as the legislature and is key for left-winger President Rafael Correa's plans to curb the influence of traditional political parties and boost state control over the oil-producing country's economy.

In a more recent proposal, a government assembly member offered to change the country's coat of arms to include more indigenous symbols, which unleashed a wave of media criticism.

The government says media outlets are blowing such ideas out of proportion, trying to hurt the assembly's image.

A recent Cedatos poll showed the assembly's approval ratings dropped to 35 percent in May from 62 percent when it started work in November.

Some of Vela's colleagues ridiculed her proposal. One opposition member said a friend approached him to boast "so I will face life in jail" if the reform was approved.

"The right for sexual pleasure is valid, but not in the constitution," said Leonardo Viteri, a gynecologist and opposition member. "A woman can ask her gynecologist how to improve her sexual pleasure but not the constitution."

New constitution set to bolster Ecuador's Correa

By Enrique Andres Pretel and Alonso Soto

MONTECRISTI, Ecuador, June 20 (Reuters) - Ecuadorean President Rafael Correa will bolster his authority this year if voters approve a new constitution extending state control over the economy and opening the way for his possible re-election.

If ratified in a referendum, opponents fear the new constitution could stunt much-needed investment in South America's No. 5 oil producer and undermine key institutions already susceptible to political interference.

The constitutional changes hint at leftist Correa's long-term plans for the OPEC member, where controlling the economy -- and therefore cash flow to the military -- is key to survival after his three predecessors were toppled by street protests and congressional turmoil.

Correa, a popular former economy minister who says he wants to wrest power from corrupt elites, already has foreign investors jittery over his drive to renegotiate oil and mining deals. He pledges to annul some foreign debt, which he brands as "illegitimate" deals signed by past governments.

Alberto Acosta, head of the government-controlled assembly rewriting the constitution, told Reuters it will allow the state to take a majority stake in oil and mining deals though it is still unclear how that will happen.

"We have to regain the state's role in those sectors," said Acosta, a close Correa ally. "We would like joint ventures ... with a state majority stake, but there could be exceptions."

Correa's close ally Venezuelan leader Hugo Chavez has used broad powers to nationalize key sectors of his OPEC nation's economy.

Critics say Chavez is amassing dictatorial powers to establish a Cuban-style socialist state. But Venezuelans balked at his attempt to lift a limit on re-election when they rejected a constitutional reform in December 2007.

After closing down the opposition-led Congress last year, Ecuador's assembly has already approved laws giving Correa more control over the budget and plans constitutional reforms that could allow him to stay in office until 2017.

The assembly's government majority is proposing to lift a ban on immediate presidential re-election and call for an early general election next year.

A weakened opposition accuses the ex-college professor, who took office last year, of amassing power and undermining institutions in the world's No. 1 banana-exporting nation that returned to democracy in 1979 after years of military rule.

"They want a super president which is very dangerous for a democracy," said Cesar Rhon, a member of the conservative Social Christian party, after an assembly debate.

UNCERTAIN REFERENDUM

Ecuador's new constitution would also enshrine the idea of "illegitimacy" in foreign loans, which could serve as a legal premise if the state challenges any of its credit deals in court, Acosta said.

"If Correa approves the constitution he will have total control of economic activities of this country," said Alexandra Vela, an analyst with think-tank Cordes in Quito. "The economy will suffer from a growing state that will push aside the private sector for a bigger role."

Ecuador's economy grew only 1.96 percent last year and private investment in oil and mining has already stalled after Correa started to renegotiate deals and revoke concessions.

The new constitution, expected to be finished by late July, has to be ratified in a referendum later this year.

A Cedatos-Gallup survey showed 37 percent of Ecuadoreans would agree to the new constitution if it were up for vote in June, short of the more than 50 percent needed for approval.

But analysts say Correa's charisma, image as an outsider battling entrenched elites and an expected boost in public spending will help him lure enough votes to win the vote.

"It's too early to say, but Correa has the clear advantage in the referendum," said Paulina Recalde a pollster with Perfiles de Opinion in Quito. "There is no real opposition that could challenge his strong leadership."

(Editing by Patrick Markey and Jackie Frank)

Ecuador President for Food Tax Cut

Quito, Jun 20 (Prensa Latina) Ecuadorian president Rafael Correa presented to the Constitutent Assembly a proposal that would boost food production and combat the inflationary crisis.

After being received by the Assembly president, Correa spoke before Congress and requested a mandate to eliminate taxes on several agricultural products in an aim to reduce production costs.

His project was delivered to the Assembly leader Alberto Acosta, and includes reduction of taxes in the agricultural, poultry and livestock sectors.

It also requested freedom from taxation for two years for importers of agrochemical products and called for subsidies in the purchase of fertilizers and goods to reduce food prices.

Legislator Cesar Rodriguez supported the proposal and noted the willingness to put it into practice immediately.

Accompanied by the ministers of Security, Gustavo Larrea and Political Coordinator, Ricardo Patiño, the president invited the Assembly to approve the emergency economic measures to combat the inflationary crisis in the agricultural sector.

New oil spill reported in Ecuador

QUITO, June 19 (Xinhua) -- Ecuador's state-owned oil company Petroecuador had to deal with a new oil spill Thursday, caused by the rupture of a transfer pipe of Auca 19 well in the eastern province of Orellana.

The accident occurred Thursday at 07:30 local time (1330 GMT), affecting a surface area of 4,000 square meters of marsh zone in Dayuma parish, according to the website "Ecuadorinmediato".

Absorbent barriers were put in place to prevent the oil from spreading and to minimize the environmental impact. Technical workers from another oil field, the Cononaco field, have also been asked for help in curbing the pollution.

On Monday, a clandestine perforation was made in a secondary pipeline of the Tetete field in the northern province of Sucumbios.

The marsh around the spill point and a part of the Ocano riverside have been affected, workers said.



Ecuador's Proposed Constitution Would "Establish Penalties" for Groups that "Promote Homophobia"

By Matthew Cullinan Hoffman

QUITO, ECUADOR, June 19, 2008 (LifeSiteNews.com) - Ecuador's Constitutent Assembly, which is in the process of creating a new constitution for the South American nation, is embroiled in a debate over language designed to protect the unborn. There is also an ongoing discussion about language in the constitution that would give "rights" based on "sexual orientation" and so-called "gender identity."

The majority party, Alianza PAIS, has agreed to maintain the existing constitution's affirmation of the "inviolability of life". However, it is resisting efforts to add the phrase "from conception to natural death". Official debate over the proposed language began yesterday, according to local media reports.

In addition, the Assembly's Fundamental Human Rights Committee has approved language upholding "reproductive rights," a euphemism used by international pro-abortion groups to denote a medley of "rights", including the "right" to an abortion.

"All have the right to make free, responsible, and informed decisions regarding their reproductive health and life and to decide when and how many children to have and how often to have them," says proposed Article 10 for the document's "Civil Rights" section. No age limit is mentioned.

Former PAIS member Rosanna Queirolo, who waged a successful campaign earlier this year to protect the Constitution's "inviolability of life" guarantee before leaving the party in protest (http://www.lifesitenews.com/ldn/2008/apr/08040110.html), is concerned that the article will be used to allow abortions, and particularly to permit minors to obtain abortions without their parents' permission.

"In the texts that the Fundamental Human Rights group approved it doesn't even say the age at which women can have an abortion," said Queirolo. "That means that tomorrow girls are going to go to doctors to interrupt their pregnancies, without permission from their parents and the doctors will be obligated to tend to them because the Constitution says so."

"What is being done is they're disguising it and leaving a door open to abortion," Assemblywoman Anabella Azín told the newspaper Telegrafo.

Queirolo also objects to language that acknowledges "rights" based on "sexual orientation" and "gender identity", which she says will promote promiscuity. The term "gender identity" refers to the gender claimed by an individual, as opposed to his or her actual physical gender.

Proposed Article 9 states, "Every person has the right to make free, informed, and responsible decisions regarding his sexuality and sexual life, including sexual and gender identity, and sexual orientation."

The same text denies groups the right to organize in opposition to such "rights". Proposed Article 13 reads in part that "the law will establish penalties for groups that associate or meet for the purpose of...promoting practices of...homophobia, segregation, discrimination, or any other idea that goes against the rights recognized in this Constitution."

Such restrictions are specifically applied to religious groups in proposed Article 8, which restricts the exercise of religion if it conflicts with "the rights established in this constitution" as well as international "human rights" treaties.

Political commentator Santiago Pérez, a proponent of the new constitution, acknowledged recently in the Ecuadorian newspaper El Universo that the conflict over abortion and homosexual "rights" could sink the document, which must be approved in a nationwide plebiscite after completion by the specially elected Constituent Assembly.

In order to persuade Ecuadorians, who are overwhelmingly Catholic and inclined towards traditional family values, Pérez recognizes that the debate "must cease to be a fight among those who are for and those who are against (President) Correa, abortion, gays, etc.".